What is judicial independence ?
In a modern
democracy, judicial independence is a critical component of the
rule of law as well as the defense of property rights and individual
liberties. The function of the court is critical in assessing the country’s rule of
law. Judicial independence is the capacity of courts and judges to fulfill their roles
without interference or control by other actors. Meaning that judges are free to render
independent judgments based only on evidence and law and are not susceptible to
coercion or interference. Judicial independence is founded on the judges’
authority; judges or courts are strong to the degree that they have legal jurisdiction to
consider public-interest conflicts. Courts and judges’ jurisdiction alone
is insufficient; they must also have discretion over those areas of jurisdiction in order to make
meaningful decisions, and this discretion may be limited by their judicial or
administrative superiors.
What are the factors that undermine judicial independence?
There are many factors that undermine judicial independence
that arises from the country itself. Firstly, we must consider the
country’s political regime. The second aspect to take into account is the
country’s institutional fragmentation itself and the number of funds allocated to the courts. Third,
the court’s public opinion plays an important role in the court’s impartiality and
fairness.
Other factors depend on the judiciary mechanism itself. For
instance, the lack of security of tenure, good wages, well-funded courts, and
control over core areas of administration, to say the least, are unquestionably
weakening elements of the judicial system. These factors are important because they
put a value on judges that make them impartial and fair. The more they feel
recognized and consequently paid, the more likely their verdicts are to be impartial and
fair. One more element that reinforces judicial independence is transparency in the
judicial selection and recruiting process. In order to prevent unfair judicial
empowerment, judges should become such, only thanks to meritocracy.
What undermines Russian judicial independence?
What is clear is that judicial empowerment in Russia is
obviously centralized and limited to very specific conditions. Indeed,
the selection and recruitment process of Russian judges lacks transparency and
coherence. Trochev analyzes the last 10 years of Russian reforms to improve
transparency and suggests that in the face of enormous sociopolitical instability, Russia’s
political elites form a robust, autonomous judicial branch to implement post-communist
constitutions. Another crucial element in undermining Russian judicial
independence is the fact that although the law guarantees judges tenure until
retirement age, with the main reason being the only ground for dismissal, chairs of courts
find justifications and have enough power over the regional judicial qualification
commission to remove judges they don’t like, especially those who don’t meet
the standards outlined in the way the judicial bureaucracy operates.
This paradigm is a result of Russia’s hybrid
government, which seems to be democratic while restricting political competition and
tightly controlling civil society to the point of being wholly authoritarian. Scholars
like Salomon reveals that judges in the USSR had very little discretion and were frequently
punished by being transferred to less attractive positions or being removed
from their roles as judges for egregious nonconformist behavior. This complicated
situation can be compared to other countries in western Europe, but also with
countries such as Bulgaria and Romania which share the same problem of imbedded
corruption in their society.
For the vast bulk of Soviet
history, judges relied heavily on local party leaders. They were reappointed every five
years, their compensation was doubled, and they were regularly examined and
supervised. To make the system more transparent and fairer Russian government put in
place a judicial reform to provide the institutional base for judicial independence.
This transformation took 18 years, during which time judges had security tenure
because they were now appointed for life until retirement age and could only be
removed for valid reasons or if other judges decided they were not qualified
to continue serving as judges.
Despite the apparent changes, the
reality is that even while court-related norms were being implemented and
formalized, authorities or other influential parties could still have an impact on how
the courts operated, and judges had strong incentives to yield to various
forms of outside pressure. Salomon‘s work leaves us without a doubt in deducing that
even though it is less common than it is in the public eye, some judges in
Russian courts do take and even demand money, especially in business
situations, to speed up proceedings. All of the authors reach the same
conclusion: the acts that diminish judges’ legal protection derive from the
chairman of the Court’s excessive power and a set of long-term expectations
surrounding judicial behavior. Russian courts and judges are a point of conflict between a
set of formal institutions and informal acts that undermine the efficacy of those
institutions. Even after judicial reform,
judges’ rulings could not be considered independent since the behaviors that
predominantly undermine judges’ legal protection remanates from the Court’s
chairman’s overwhelming influence. As a result, while there is formal judicial
independence, judges are subject to the ordinary restrictions of court bureaucracy while being
protected from outside pressure.
CLAUDIA PELELLA
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